Peter Egge Langsæther

• Hesstvedt, Stine & Langsæther, Peter Egge (2026). Hvem stemte hva? Sosial bakgrunn og stemmegivning ved valget 2025. In Bergh, Johannes & Haugsgjerd, Atle Hennum (Ed.), Konflikt og mobilisering. En studie av stortingsvalget 2025. Cappelen Damm AS. p. 57–70. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  This chapter analyses how social background shaped voting in Norway’s 2025 parliamentary election, examining cleavages of centre-periphery, urban-rural, class, education, age, and gender, with historical comparisons back to 1957. Drawing on Statistics Norway register data (N = 10,747) and the Norwegian Election Study (N = 1,800), the authors find growing polarization along social lines. The most striking finding is a historic gender gap among young voters: roughly 38% of men under 30 voted for The Progress Party (FrP), nearly doubling from 2021, while young women gravitated toward The Socialist Left Party (SV) and The Green Party (MDG). The Labour Party (Ap) has shifted toward an older electorate, drawing 53% of women over 70, but struggles to mobilize youth. The Conservative Party (H) have returned to their upper-middle-class roots, losing young men to FrP. Geographically, The Centre Party (Sp) remains dominant in rural areas while The Conservative Party and smaller liberal/green parties concentrate in the Oslo area. FrP broadened its appeal across regions, age groups, and educational levels, combining gains in core constituencies (young men, lower-educated voters) with

• Stubager, Rune; Langsæther, Peter Egge & Hesstvedt, Stine (2026). Still Going Strong? The Social and Political Relevance of Class Identification Over Time in Four Countries. Comparative Political Studies. doi: 10.1177/00104140251414034. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  According to influential theories of modernization and individualization, social class has ceased to be relevant to citizens and their political behaviour in Western countries; class has been proclaimed ‘dead’. The argument is particularly strong at the subjective level where people are thought to no longer identify with social classes let alone relate this identification to politics. Using time-series election study data covering many decades combined with manifesto data from the US, Britain, Denmark, and Norway, we challenge this view and show that levels of class identification have been stable. The relationship between class identification, attitudes to redistribution and vote choice has, however, changed but this appears to result more from political parties’ varying polarization on economic and social issues than from the demise of class in voters’ minds.

• Finseraas, Henning; Heath, Oliver; Langsæther, Peter Egge & Smets, Kaat (2025). How Group Appeals Shape Group-Party Linkages in Two Political Systems. Journal of Politics. doi: 10.1086/735505. Full text in Research Archive
• Nyrup, Jacob; Knutsen, Carl Henrik; Langsæther, Peter Egge & Kristiansen, Ina Lyftingsmo (2025). Paths to Power: A New Dataset on the Social Profile of Governments. British Journal of Political Science. 55. doi: 10.1017/s0007123425100598. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Systematized information on the background of policymakers across long time-periods and all geographical regions of the world remains limited. In this article, we introduce Paths to Power (PtP), a new dataset on the educational, occupational, and social background of cabinet members. PtP contains detailed individual-level data – whenever identifiable – on 44,789 cabinet members across 141 countries in the period 1966-2021. This comprehensive dataset will be of relevance to numerous scholars (and others) interested in understanding politics and recent political history, and it enables a wide variety of new, empirically founded insights. We first present how the data is created and then discuss data quality and limitations. Next, we show how PtP is useful for researchers in diverse fields, including comparative politics, political sociology, gender studies, public administration, and international relations.

• Dahlum, Sirianne; Langsæther, Peter Egge & Wig, Tore (2025). New evidence on citizens’ reactions to democratic norm violations in an advanced democracy. Electoral Studies: an international journal on voting and electoral systems and strategy. 97. doi: 10.1016/j.electstud.2025.102971. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  We investigate citizens’ commitments to democratic norms in a democratic “posterchild”, using the case of Norway. Previous research suggests that citizens often accept elite violations of democratic norms. We distinguish between more subtle infractions and explicit rejections of democracy, and we assess how citizens respond when democratic violations are framed as necessary to achieve pressing societal goals. We find that concrete democratic-norm violations, such as accepting violent rhetoric, meet only weakly punitive reactions among citizens. Policy disagreement or party identification are not important moderators. This may suggest significant opportunity space for elite-driven democratic backsliding even in highly advanced democracies. Yet, citizens heavily punish the most outright rejections of democracy, that question democracy itself, even when justified in order to reach desired political and social outcomes. These findings are consistent with the notion that citizens tolerate specific anti-democratic actions because these are not necessarily considered as violating democracy, while statements clearly violating democracy are punished more.

• Bratsberg, Bernt Magne; Finseraas, Henning; Langsæther, Peter Egge & Røgeberg, Ole (2025). The gendered long-term consequences of automation risk on electoral behaviour: Evidence from Norway. European Journal of Political Research. 64(4), p. 1805–1826. doi: 10.1111/1475-6765.70010. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  We examine long-run effects of automation risk on turnout. We expect gendered negative effects because men's turnout is more sensitive to job loss and earnings, but negative effects might be offset by populist right-wing mobilization on economic grievances. We rely on population-wide administrative data to avoid well-known biases in survey data. We find both men and women with high automation risk to suffer in the labour market, but automation risk is associated with lower turnout for men only. The negative association with turnout is weaker where the populist right is stronger, consistent with mobilization on economic grievances. Finally, we show experimentally that priming of automation risk produces null findings, suggesting that risks need to have material consequences to affect political behaviour. Our findings imply that technological change has contributed to the emergence of gender gaps in turnout and populist voting as well as the participation drop among the working class.

• Langsæther, Peter Egge & Knutsen, Carl Henrik (2024). Are women more progressive than men? Attitudinal gender gaps in West European democracies. International Political Science Review. doi: 10.1177/01925121241280069. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  We assess gender gaps in attitudes to several important and distinct policy areas, including economic left–right issues, gender equality, immigration, environmentalism and traditional ‘moral issues’. Drawing on comprehensive survey data from 14 established democracies in Western Europe, we document that women have more progressive attitudes than men do on all the five attitudinal dimensions that we consider. These patterns are similar (albeit not identical) across West European countries, despite cross-country differences in political cultures and systems. We also elaborate on potential implications of our findings for other political outcomes of interest, including voting behaviour and the functioning of representative democracy, and point to avenues for future research in detailing the mechanisms that contribute to the observed gender gaps.

• Hesstvedt, Stine & Langsæther, Peter Egge (2023). Klassekonfliktlinjen fra 1950-årene til i dag. In Bergh, Johannes & Haugsgjerd, Atle Hennum (Ed.), Politikk i urolige tider. En studie av stortingsvalget 2021. Cappelen Damm Akademisk. p. 204–228. Full text in Research Archive
• Simmonds, Emily Grace; Adjei, Kwaku Peprah; Andersen, Christoffer Wold; Aspheim, Janne Cathrin Hetle; Battistin, Claudia & Bulso, Nicola [Show all 43 contributors for this article] (2022). Insights into the quantification and reporting of model-related uncertainty across different disciplines. iScience. 25(12). doi: 10.1016/j.isci.2022.105512. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Quantifying uncertainty associated with our models is the only way we can express how much we know about any phenomenon. Incomplete consideration of model-based uncertainties can lead to overstated conclusions with real-world impacts in diverse spheres, including conservation, epidemiology, climate science, and policy. Despite these potentially damaging consequences, we still know little about how different fields quantify and report uncertainty. We introduce the “sources of uncertainty” framework, using it to conduct a systematic audit of model-related uncertainty quantification from seven scientific fields, spanning the biological, physical, and political sciences. Our interdisciplinary audit shows no field fully considers all possible sources of uncertainty, but each has its own best practices alongside shared outstanding challenges. We make ten easy-to-implement recommendations to improve the consistency, completeness, and clarity of reporting on model-related uncertainty. These recommendations serve as a guide to best practices across scientific fields and expand our toolbox for high-quality research.

• Kenny, John & Langsæther, Peter Egge (2022). Environmentalism as an independent dimension of political preferences. European Journal of Political Research. doi: 10.1111/1475-6765.12549. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Environmental issues are an important aspect of party competition and voters’ political preferences. Yet political behaviour research often considers environmental attitudes as a component of a broader ‘second-dimension’ and either subsumes it into this or omits it. Using data from the fifth wave of the European Values Study, we demonstrate through factor analysis that environmentalism loads as a separate dimension across Western Europe, that environmentalism has somewhat different social predictors and that it has important associations with party preference that differ from those of other second dimension issues. Our findings have crucial implications. Firstly, not accounting for environmentalism in studies of political behaviour misses an important part of the picture. Secondly, subsuming environmentalism into a broader ‘cultural’ dimension may lead to incomplete conclusions about both social predictors and the electoral consequences of political attitudes and values. Thus, allowing for a separate environmental dimension opens up novel perspectives on political representation in Western democracies.

• Langsæther, Peter Egge; Goubin, Silke & Haugsgjerd, Atle (2022). Subverted expectations and social democratic austerity: How voters’ reactions to policies are conditional on the policy-implementing actor. Electoral Studies: an international journal on voting and electoral systems and strategy. 80. doi: 10.1016/j.electstud.2022.102529. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  It is well-established that voters care about policies when they go to the voting booth. However, we argue that voters' reaction to the policies are conditional on the actor implementing them. Voters have different expectations towards political parties regarding the policies they are expected to implement, and subverted expectations can have electoral consequences. This is particularly the case when they are related to issues central to the party's ideological agenda. We supply experimental evidence of this in the case of social-democratic austerity policies: Left-wing voters punish social democrats much more for implementing such policies than they punish a mainstream right party for the same actions. Our findings have important implications for several ongoing debates in the literature such as the demise of social democratic parties in the wake of the Great Recession, the interplay between parties and citizens, as well as the general effect of austerity on electoral outcomes.

• Evans, Geoffrey; Stubager, Rune & Langsæther, Peter Egge (2022). The conditional politics of class identity: class origins, identity and political attitudes in comparative perspective. West European Politics. 45(6), p. 1178–1205. doi: 10.1080/01402382.2022.2039980. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  The sources, meaning and political implications of class identity are conditional on national context, reflecting the relative importance of cultural (status-related) versus economic (resource-related) influences on class identification. Unlike Danes, the majority of Britons continue to identify as working class. This difference between the two societies is robust across the span of 50 years of survey data analysed. It is unrelated to national variations in inequality, reflecting instead the far larger influence of an ascriptive source of identity, class origins, in Britain compared with Denmark, where current class remains the primary influence. The two societies in turn differ in the extent to which class identity is associated with economic or cultural politics. In Denmark, working class identification is associated with endorsement of redistribution, in Britain it is associated with opposition to immigration. High levels of working class identification in Britain therefore provide an augmented constituency for the radical right rather than the left.

• Wilde, Pieter de; Langsæther, Peter Egge & Özdemir, Sina Furkan (2022). Critical junctures and the crystallization of cosmopolitanism and communitarianism. European Political Science Review. 15(2), p. 157–176. doi: 10.1017/S1755773922000534. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  A burgeoning literature documents the emergence of a new globalization cleavage in Western Europe, centered around the issues of immigration and European integration. We investigate to what extent the globalization cleavage has crystallized by studying the alignment of preferences regarding open borders, their connection to more fundamental elements in the normative component of cosmopolitanism and communitarianism, and the extent to which this links up to the organizational component through party choice. To do this, we use innovative items tapping into political priorities, values, understandings of democracy, and virtues in a cross-sectional comparative survey in Norway and the UK. We find that the globalization cleavage is significantly more developed in the UK than in Norway but lacks a solidified normative component in both. This implies that considerable opportunities remain for ideological entrepreneurs to either fortify or dilute this cleavage, even in the UK.

• Evans, Geoffrey & Langsæther, Peter Egge (2021). The Realignment of Class Politics and Class Voting. In Thompson, William R. (Eds.), Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. Oxford University Press. doi: 10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.1976. Full text in Research Archive
• Langsæther, Peter Egge; Evans, Geoffrey & O'Grady, Tom (2021). Explaining the Relationship between Class Position and Political Preferences: A Long-Term Panel Analysis of Intra-Generational Class Mobility. British Journal of Political Science. doi: 10.1017/S0007123420000599. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Abstract Past findings on the connection between class position and political preferences are overwhelmingly derived from cross-sectional studies, which provided a limited basis for inferring causality. This study uses long-term panel data on thousands of British respondents to measure the impact of intra-generational class mobility across a range of political identities and preferences. Upward class mobility leads to small increases in economic conservatism, but party choice, class identity and attitudes to non-economic issues do not change. This updating of economic values is much smaller than cross-sectional differences between classes. These results are consistent with the short-run effects of class mobility operating primarily through a limited economic self-interest mechanism. Beliefs that are plausibly unconnected to economics are unaffected. The overall association between class and a range of identities, opinions and preferences is therefore more likely to be caused by early life experiences and longer-term socialization than by the immediate material interests associated with jobs.

• Langsæther, Peter (2021). Politiske klasseforskjeller i Norge: Arbeiderklassens stemmegivning og politiske holdninger. In Ljunggren, Jørn & Hansen, Marianne Nordli (Ed.), Arbeiderklassen. Cappelen Damm Akademisk. p. 371–390. Full text in Research Archive
• Langsæther, Peter Egge & Evans, Geoffrey (2020). More than self‐interest: Why different classes have different attitudes to income inequality. British Journal of Sociology. 71(4), p. 594–607. doi: 10.1111/1468-4446.12747. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  The connection between social class and political preferences is among the most well established in the social sciences. This association is typically taken as prima facie evidence of economic self‐interest: Classes hold different attitudes, values, and party preferences because they have different economic interests. However, this assumption has rarely been tested empirically. In this article, we use survey data from 18 West European countries to examine why classes differ on a central aspect of political preferences, namely their views on the desirability of income inequality. We find that only a moderate proportion of differences between employee classes in support for redistribution can be accounted for by contemporary differences in resources and risks; differences in economic interests to some degree account for the anti‐redistributive preferences of the professional middle classes compared with the working class. However, the preferences of the self‐employed have a different explanation; autonomy is a better explanation of the right‐wing preferences of the self‐employed compared with the working class.

• Langsæther, Peter; Gjerløw, Haakon & Søyland, Martin G. (2019). Is all PR good PR? How the content of media exposure affects candidate popularity. Electoral Studies: an international journal on voting and electoral systems and strategy. 57, p. 143–152. doi: 10.1016/j.electstud.2018.11.009. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Existing evidence shows that media exposure is associated with increased political popularity, but we know less about how the electoral effects of media coverage may vary with the content of the coverage. By collecting hundreds of thousands of media articles, which we then sort by content using automatic topic modelling, we build a unique dataset of political candidates, their popularity, and the quantity and type of media exposure that candidates receive. Analysing this dataset, we find that media attention is, indeed, an electoral asset. Further, and crucially, we find that voters reward politicians for politically relevant exposure, while non-political exposure is ignored, or even penalised. Consequently, this is good news for how democracies work; voters hold politicians accountable based on relevant information. The findings are of relevance to students of media, political behaviour, parties and political competition, as well as normative democratic theory.

• Langsæther, Peter (2019). Class voting and the differential role of political values: Evidence from 12 West-European countries. Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties. 29(1), p. 125–142. doi: 10.1080/17457289.2018.1464015. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Influential theories of class voting assume that the phenomenon occurs because classes hold different political values, which in turn affect their party preference. However, we do not know how important this mechanism is. Hence, this article uses high-quality survey data from 12 Western European countries to study the association between class and voting. The results suggest that political values – including non-economic values – play a central role in accounting for this association, although substantial class differences persist even when holding political values constant. I furthermore argue that the relevance of this mechanism should vary by party family. Political values should account for class voting to the extent that parties give the voters clear signals on issues of relevance to the value orientations. As such, party behaviour not only affects the level of class voting, but the very nature of the link between class and voting. This article contributes first by testing one of the most important theories of the mechanisms behind class voting, and second by demonstrating how the parties’ behaviour affects this mechanism.

• Langsæther, Peter Egge & Stubager, Rune (2019). Old wine in new bottles? Reassessing the effects of globalisation on political preferences in Western Europe. European Journal of Political Research. doi: 10.1111/1475-6765.12332. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  In both public and scholarly debates, globalisation has recently been accredited with a massive impact on the political preferences and electoral behaviour of Western citizens. Some go as far as to declare a new cleavage between winners and losers of globalisation, driven, for example, by individuals’ exposure to international competition and their degree of national as opposed to cosmopolitan identification. Extant tests of this argument have, however, relied on class and education as proxies for these processes. In contrast, this study provides a direct test of the influence of the globalisation processes on attitudes to economic distribution, the European Union and immigration as well as on vote choice across nine West European countries. The results show that variables tapping the core aspects of globalisation have relatively little impact on attitudes and vote choice; are largely unable to account for the effects of class and education; and do not seem to lead to the establishment of new divisions between winners and losers within or across classes. Rather, the winners and losers of globalisation seem to be the traditional winners and losers with respect to material positions and political influence in modern Western societies – that is, those placed higher as opposed to lower in the class and education hierarchies. In this way, the proposed cleavage between winners and losers of globalisation may seem to be rather much like old wine in new bottles.

• Langsæther, Peter Egge (2019). Religious voting and moral traditionalism: The moderating role of party characteristics. Electoral Studies: an international journal on voting and electoral systems and strategy. 62. doi: 10.1016/j.electstud.2019.102095. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  One of the most important theoretical explanations for why religion is associated with party choice is that religion affects citizens' moral values, which in turn affect party preference. In this article, I first estimate the empirical importance of this mechanism. On average, about ten percent of religious voting is mediated by moral traditionalism. Secondly, I argue that the importance of this mechanism varies depending on party characteristics. The effect is indirect through moral traditionalism to the extent that parties emphasize moral issues such as abortion or euthanasia. Under these conditions, group belonging may provide useful cues for voters. Combining data on 50 parties with survey data on more than 10,000 citizens from 13 West European countries, this article provides empirical evidence of this proposition in the case of the religious cleavage. The findings may be of relevance also for other social structural variables, such as class or gender.

• Knutsen, Oddbjørn & Langsæther, Peter Egge (2018). Party Choice and Social Structure, Social Structure, Value Orientations and Party Choice in Western Europe. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 111–194. doi: 10.1007/978-3-319-52123-7_4. Full text in Research Archive

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• Langsæther, Peter Egge (2023). Party Families in Western Europe. Routledge. 274 p. doi: 10.4324/9780429442728. Full text in Research Archive

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• Myksvoll, Thomas M.; Espegren, Astrid; Stoltenberg, Daniel; Hansen, Vibeke Wøien; Langsæther, Peter Egge & Eimhjellen, Ivar (2026). Kartlegging av frivillig drevne åpne møteplasser for ungdom. Senter for forskning på sivilsamfunn og frivillig sektor. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Rapporten kartlegger frivillig drevne, ikke-kommunale åpne møteplasser for ungdom i Norge. Feltet har vært lite undersøkt, og en ambisjon har derfor vært å utvikle en arbeidsdefinisjon som gjør møteplassene mulige å identifisere og avgrense fra andre fritidstilbud til ungdom. Studien bygger på en registerbasert kartlegging, en spørreundersøkelse til møteplassene, intervjuer i sju kommuner og en analyse av kommunalt planverk. Vi identifiserer 870 tilbud innenfor definisjonen, mot 728 kommunale fritidssentre. Møteplassene finnes i alle fylker, men er sterkere representert i sentrale kommuner, mens de kommunale står sterkere i mindre sentrale områder. Et hovedfunn er at åpne møteplasser ikke er én klart avgrenset tilbudstype. Om lag en tredel oppfyller definisjonen i streng forstand, mens en større del av feltet har mange av de samme kjennetegnene. Hva som utgjør en «åpen» møteplass er derfor best forstått som et gradsspørsmål. På tvers av variasjonen finner vi likevel en felles profil: tilbudene er først og fremst sosiale og relasjonelle arenaer, nesten alle har voksne til stede, og mange kombinerer en universell innretning med et uttalt inkluderingsformål. Driften er lokalt forankret, og frivillig innsats inngår i nesten ni av ti tilbud. Møteplassene er samtidig svakt avgrenset som politisk kategori. Under halvparten av kommunene oppgir at slike tilbud inngår i plan- og strategiarbeidet, og planverket skiller snarere mellom kommunale ungdomstilbud og en bredere, aldersuavhengig frivillig infrastruktur. Kommunal støtte er ofte uformell og omfatter mer enn tilskudd, blant annet lokaler, koordinering og veiledning. Rapporten foreslår at feltet forstås ut fra funksjonene møteplassene fyller.

• Langsæther, Peter Egge (2019). Cleavage Politics in the 21st Century: How and why social background affects political preferences. Universitetet i Oslo. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Existing scholarship shows that social background – represented by features such as class, religion, or gender – is an important predictor of political preferences, including party preference, across Western democracies. This relationship has recently come to the attention of a broader audience, with the referendum on Brexit and the election of president Trump. Unfortunately, we know much less about why social background relates to political preferences, i.e., which mechanisms induce the relationship? The main motivation for this thesis is to contribute to filling this knowledge gap by answering the overarching research question: How and why does social background affect political preferences? The four papers that constitute this thesis study the question through the application of the same theoretical framework, namely cleavage theory. The first paper (chapter 2 in this thesis), which is co-authored with Oddbjørn Knutsen, focuses on a measurement issue that is important for the chapters to follow. The paper takes on the prominent claim that changes in the employment structure in post-industrial societies require a redrawing of the class map, especially to capture new distinctions within the middle class. We find that the traditional EGP class schema predicts modern political preferences equally well as the new schema endorsed by critics of the former schema, suggesting that the worries about the continued relevance of the traditional EGP class schema seem exaggerated. This justifies its use in later chapters. In papers 2 and 3 (chapters 3 and 4), I empirically analyse the importance of one of the most important propositions in cleavage voting theory, namely the idea that social groups have indirect effects on party preference through political values. I find that political values account for less than half of the variation in both class voting and religious voting, meaning that we need to look for additional explanations in order to satisfactorily understand the phenomenon. I also find that there is a substantial direct effect, due to frozen group-party alignments and group identity. Furthermore, the share of the effect that is direct or indirect varies substantially between parties and party families. The two papers jointly develop a theory of cleavage voting. The crux of the theory is that the effect of social group membership on party preference is indirect through political values to the extent that social groups hold distinct sets of political values, and to the extent that political parties emphasise issues of relevance to those values. This means that party characteristics affect not only the level of cleavage voting, but even the very mechanisms behind such voting. While I test – and find support for – the theory on the two most studied cleavages, namely class and religion, I propose that it may be valid for any kind of cleavage voting. Finally, the fourth paper (chapter 5), which is co-authored with Rune Stubager, scrutinises another prominent claim, namely that globalisation has transformed, surpassed, or even replaced the old cleavages such as class or education. Our findings suggest that direct measures of exposure to globalisation have limited independent effects on both core political attitudes and party preference. Furthermore, there is no indication that class and education today primarily works through globalisation-related processes, nor that these processes interact with class to create cross-class alliances. In conclusion, social structural variables still affect party preference, and while the dominant view has been that this is primarily an indirect effect through political values, it seems that direct effects related to group identities and frozen party alignments play a larger role than commonly assumed. While globalisation processes as of yet have not significantly altered the way social structural variables affect political preferences, it seems that political actors themselves are able to affect which mechanisms that are at work.

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• Dahlum, Sirianne; Langsæther, Peter Egge & Wig, Tore (2024). Meninger: Norske statsvitere: – Også i Norge er den autoritære trusselen reell. Full text in Research Archive Show summary

  Forskningen viser at autoritære politikere kan vinne frem i demokratiske valg selv om de truer demokratiet. Også i Norge er denne trusselen reell.

• Langsæther, Peter Egge (2019). Det syke sosialdemokratiet. Samtiden. Tidsskrift for politikk, litteratur og samfunnsspørsmål. 127(3), p. 32–39. Full text in Research Archive
• Langsæther, Peter (2018). Why does class affect voting? Democratic Audit. Full text in Research Archive
• Gjerløw, Haakon & Langsæther, Peter (2018). Framtida i deres hender. Intervju med lederne av fire norske politiske ungdomsorganisasjoner. [Journal]. Samtiden. Full text in Research Archive

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